Archive for the 'Analisis' Category

06
Aug

Socialism or barbarism – your choice

Source: Malaysiakini, 6 August 2009

Socialist principles are becoming ever more relevant in the present political context of the country for they give priority to people before profit or production.

ARTIKEL PENUH (MORE) »

09
Jul

Protes Jalanraya Dan Protes Stadium

Pada 6hb. Julai 2008, sejarah tidak dapat dicipta. Perhimpunan rakyat tidak dapat memobilisasi 1 juta rakyat mahupun tidak dapat mengatasi angka yang dicapai semasa perhimpunan BERSIH pada 10hb. November 2008 mahupun perhimpunan HINDRAF pada 25hb. November 2007. Malah dua-dua perhimpunan tadi tidak diadakan dalam stadium malah kedua perhimpunan tersebut digertak lebih teruk daripada perhimpunan PROTES malah sekatan jalan pun lebih banyak, lebih menyusahkan orang dan tindakan polis pula lebih zalim dan lebih keras. ARTIKEL PENUH (MORE) »

03
Jun

Ucapan Dasar Pengerusi Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) – Sempena Kongres PSM ke-10

PSM Congress

Antarabangsa

Pergolakan yang timbul pada tahun 2007 masih wujud dan tenat khususnya tentang masalah kuasa besar cuba menakluki Negara yang lemah menggunakan senjata keamanan seperti WTO, FTA, IMF, World Bank dan sebagainya. Peperangan di wujud untuk merampas kuasa dan sumber bumi. Perjuangan Sosialisma Di Amerika Latin tetap membara dan menjadi inspirasi pada Sosialis di seluruh dunia. ARTIKEL PENUH (MORE) »

22
May

Parliament – from outside looking in… The Honourable & the Downtrodden

Parliamentary democracy is such a contradictory affair. The widespread understanding is that it enables the voice of the 25 million rakyat to be heard through the 222 elected representatives in parliament and more than double that in the state legislative assemblies. Parliamentary democracy gives the impression that an elected representative is the mouthpiece of the people, someone intimately in touch with and familiar with the reality of the lives of the rakyat. ARTIKEL PENUH (MORE) »

18
Mar

Protest Vote – Permanent Or Temporary?

The 12th. General Election sends shock waves towards the nation. As the results were coming out, one after another giant just slumbered to the ground. Sharizat, Koh Tsu Koon, Kaveas, Zam, Samy Vellu. Who could have imagined?.

The poll saw the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, lose its dominant grip on power after 40 years. Opposition parties won 82 out of the 222 seats in the parliament, a dramatic increase from the 19 seats they had held. The opposition also gained control of five of Malaysia’s 13 states while it also won most of the seats contested in Federal territory. ARTIKEL PENUH (MORE) »

22
Jan

Tugas kita adalah untuk berjuang – A. Ramayah (1953-2008)

Tugas kita adalah untuk berjuang, tanpa mengharapkan apajua balasan
A. Ramayah 1953-2008

Saya dikejutkan daripada tidur jam 5 pagi hari ini oleh panggilan telefon. Panggilan tersebut bukan sesuatu yang saya tidak sangkakan. Thayalan, anak Ramayah memberitahu bahawa ayahnya meninggal dunia baru tadi. Ramayah adalah seorang pejuang dan pemimpin pekerja yang telah lama saya kenali.

Ramayah telah bekerja dikilang Kelapa Sawit, Ladang Brooklands, Banting. Pada akhir tahun 1995, beliau bersama dengan 60 pekerja lain, telah mendapat notis pemberhentian kerja dan arahan mengosongkan rumah kuarters daripada tuanpunya ladang Akurjaya Plantation,sebuah anak syarikat korporat besar Lion Group. Tidak berpuashati dengan cara penyelesaian wakil Kesatuan mereka, National Union of Plantation Workers(NUPW), Ramayah bersama rakan sekerjanya telah cuba menghubungi sesiapa yang boleh membantu mereka. NUPW enggan mengutarakan hasrat pekerja untuk menuntut perumahan sendiri pekerja. Sebaliknya mereka telah bersekongkol dengan majikan dan bersetuju bahawa pekerja akan mengosongkan rumah mereka pada akhir bulan Disember 1995, tanpa tawaran perumahan sendiri.

Batumalai, seorang rakan sekerja Ramayah telah menunjukkan majalah “Pattali” keluaran Pusat Pembangunan Masyarakat (CDC) kepadanya. Tanpa membuang masa Ramayah telah menelefon kami di pejabat CDC menjemput komrad-komrad dari CDC mengadakan perbincangan dengan pekerja terbabit.Sejak ketika itulah terjalin hubungan saya dengan komrad Ramayah yang telah berlangsung selama 13 tahun.

Keberanian dan semangat Ramayah amat saya hormati. Apabila Ramayah dan 3 keluarga pekerja Kilang kelapa Sawit enggan mengosongkan rumah mereka, kerana menuntut hak perumahan, pihak pengurusan Ladang telah memotong bekalan elektrik dan air ke kuarters mereka. Ramayah besikap teguh dan membuat keputusan untuk terus tinggal dirumah itu tanpa air dan elektrik. Semangat berjuang beliau dicontohi dan seterusnya merebak keseluruh ladang Brooklands.

Tindakan Ramayah dan tiga keluarga pekerja kilang kelapa sawit menentang korporat besar Lion Group ini telah membarakan semangat berjuang menuntut perumahan, dikalangan lebih 80 keluarga pekerja di Division Utama Ladang Brooklands. Beberapa demonstrasi diadakan menentang tindakan mahkamah Lion Group yang ingin mengusir mereka. Setelah tiga tahun menjalani kehidupan tanpa air dan elektrik, akhirnya korporat Lion Group dikalahkan. Lion Group terpaksa menarik balik kes mahkamah mereka serta menyediakan kuarters dengan kemudahan air dan elektrik untuk Ramayah dan 3 orang pekerja yang lain.

Walaupun Ramayah tidak ada pengalaman dalam apajua pertubuhan ataupun Kesatuan pekerja, sikap berani dan ucapan lantang beliau dihormati oleh para pekerja Ladang Brooklands. Tanpa mengira mesyuarat samada dengan Exco Kerajaan Negeri ataupun dengan Pengarah Lion Group, beliau dengan tegas akan menyuarakan tuntutan pekerja. Beliau juga pernah menghalau wakil union dari mesyuarat bersama Exco Kerajaan Negeri Selangor, kerana kegagalan union membantu pekerja pada tahun 1995 dulu.

Setiap kali, suatu mesyuarat perlu diaturkan di ladang, saya memberitahu Ramayah untuk memaklumkan kepada semua pekerja. Tidak pernah sekalipun beliau merungut kerana tugas tersebut. Ramayah akan memandu motosikal lapuknya ke setiap hujung ladang, memberitahu setiap pekerja mengenai mesyuarat.

Selepas, saya tiba diladang, beliau sekali lagi akan membuat rondaanya memastikan semua pekerja sampai di kuil, tempat mesyuarat kami. Saya masih ingat kali pertama saya ditahan polis semasa mengadakan mesyuarat diladang Brooklands pada tahun 1996. Pada hari keesokkan, apabila saya, Arul dan Ganesan dibawa ke mahkamah, Ramayah dan rakan seperjuangnya berjaya memobilisasi kesemua pekerja ladang membanjiri bangunan Mahkamah di Telok Datok, Banting demi memberi sokongan kepada kami. Kesemua pekerja telah mogok kerja pada hari itu membantah tindakan pengurusan membuat laporan polis terhadap kami.

Selama 13 tahun, pelbagai perjuangan telah dilalui oleh pekerja Ladang Brooklands, dan komrad Ramayah telah memainkan peranan yang sungguh penting sebagai ‘ketua’ jawatankuasa bertindak perumahan pekerja Ladang Brooklands. Akhirnya pada 15hb.Januari, 2008, pekerja Ladang Brooklands menandatangani perjanjian jual beli untuk rumah teres satu tingkat kos rendah yang mereka telah tuntut selama 13 tahun ini.

Komrad Ramayah hanya dapat menandatangani perjanjian tersebut dari katil Hospital Besar Klang kerana beliau sakit tenat. Doktor memberitahu saya bahawa buah pinggang nya telah rosak dan Ramayah perlu menjalani dialysis.

Tiba-tiba pada 20hb,Januari, 2008. keadaanya bertambah teruk dan Ramayah tidak dapat bercakap lagi. Saya amat sedih, kerana risau Ramayah, pejuang Ladang Brooklands, tidak akan dapat menikmati rumah barunya apabila ianya dibina kelak dalam masa 2 tahun. Saya,menyoal diri, kenapakah Ramayah yang selama 13 tahun ini melakukan begitu banyak pengorbanan ditimpa penyakit sedemikan. Tidakkah wajar Ramayah menikmati hasil perjuangannya?

Soalan yang sama ditanya oleh anak perempuannya apabila saya menghadiri upacara pengkebumian Ramayah pada petang ini. “Setelah bertungkus lumus selama 13 tahun, kenapa ayah tidak dapat melihat rumah pekerja yang akan dibina nanti”.

Pada masa itu saya sedar, dan saya pasti Ramayah juga faham, bahawa setiap orang manusia mempunyai tugas masing-masing dalam perjuangan kelas ini. Ramayah berjuang bukan untuk dirinya, tetapi untuk kelas pekerja, menentang pengeksploitasian golongan kapitalis memerah tenaga pekerja dan mengusir mereka apabila tidak diperlukan lagi.

Ramayah dan 51 keluarga pekerja Ladang Brooklands berjaya menjatuhkan korporat kapitalis besar Lion Group. Akhirnya, Lion Group sedar sumbangan pekerja dan menawarkan rumah kos rendah kepada mereka.

Ramayah pasti sedar dalam hatinya bahawa tugasnya telah selesai. Ramayah telah berjaya membawa perjuangan pekerja Ladang Brooklands sehingga ianya berjaya. Tugas kita adalah untuk berjuang, tanpa mengharapkan apajua balasan, walaupun hasil perjuangan tersebut tidak dapat dinikmati oleh kita, tetapi apa yang lebih penting ialah benih perjuangan tersebut telahpun kita tanamkan.

Ramayah tidak dikebumikan hari ini, tetapi dibenihkan! Semangat perjuangannya akan berterusan. Selamat tinggal komrad Ramayah!

Hidup perjuangan rakyat!

Tulisan oleh A. Sivarajan
Parti Sosialis Malaysia
21hb Januari, 2008, 5.20 pm

04
Dec

Venezuelan referendum: Democracy prevails, the Bolivarian revolution continues

Australia-Venezuela Solidarity Network statement on Venezuela’s constitutional reforms referendum
December 4, 2007

The December 2 referendum on 69 proposed changes to Venezuela’s constitution resulted in a narrow majority “No” vote. Theresult was immediately accepted by President Hugo Chavez, who said: “We have fulfilled our promise of respecting our institutions. The umpire has spoken – We declare that we recognise the decision that the peoplehave made. For now we could not do it. I congratulate my adversaries for their victory. We are prepared for a long battle.”

9,002,439 Venezuelans voted, of which 8,883,746 votes were valid. In the block A vote (the reforms proposed by Chavez), 50.7% voted against and 49.3% voted for. In the block B vote (the reforms proposed by the National Assembly), 51.1% voted against and 48.9% voted for.

This is the first time in 12 national polls since Chavez was elected in 1998 that the opposition has won. Had the proposed constitutional reforms been adopted, they would have significantly extended democracy and social justice in Venezuela. They included the constitutional recognition of new institutions of popular power based on direct democracy, such as the communal councils, and new measures to allow people to directly manage resources and decision-making in their communities. While respecting the right to private property, the reforms recognised new forms of “social property” run by and for the people themselves, and were to give further recognition to the growing number of cooperatives.

The rights of gay men and lesbians would have been recognised in the Constitution, and the voting age reduced to 16 years. The rights and culture of Afro-Venezuelans and indigenous people would also have been Constitutionally protected, and governments would have been obliged to ensure free university education to the entire population. As well, workers’ rights would be significantly extended, including a reduction in the working week from 44 to 36 hours, and social security and pensions were guaranteed to approximately 5 million workers in the ‘informal’ economy.

In the words of Robert Hernandez, vice-president of the Venezuelan legislature, the reforms aimed to transfer greater powers to thepeople and that’s precisely the first step towards socialism. It’s not anything other than giving society functions that until now have been privileges of the State.”

But the referendum result is far from a fatal blow to the Bolivarian revolution. The fact that 4.3 million people voted for this program of action is in many ways remarkable, a measure of the deepening revolutionary process. As Chavez said after the result was announced: In the proposals there where some very audacious ideas without precedent.

High abstention

Exposing as lies the persistent efforts of the international media to portray Chavez as a dictator, the December 2 referendumwas thoroughly transparent and democratic. We will accept the results no matterwhat they are, Chavez said as he voted on December 2. This process has been a gain for democracy in Venezuela. Everyone has the right to express themselves, even if it is done crudely sometimes For most of Venezuela’s history the people have been isolated from the political process. Here popular power will have its say.

While the opposition can claim an electoral victory, it is not a decisive one. A defining feature of the December 2 poll was that participation (55.9% of the voting-age population) was considerably down from the December 2006 presidential election, in which 74% voted. The abstention rate of 44.4% in the constitution reform poll points to the real story of this referendum.

Compared to last year’s presidential elections, the opposition won very few people over, increasing their vote by less than 100,000. The pro-revolution vote dropped by around 2.8 million, but those votes did not go to the opposition, but to abstention. Commenting on this, Chavez said: We need to work out what were the reasons for thisbut I am convinced that the majority of these people are still with us. They did not vote for the opposition, they abstained due to doubts, fears, lack of time and due to lack of our ability to explain.

Confusion and fear were undoubtedly factors in the outcome. The fact that the proposed reforms aimed to provide a legal framework for significant advances in empowering Venezuela’s poor majority was a direct threaten the political and economic power of Venezuelan and US corporate elites, who pulled out all stops in their campaign against the reforms.

US-backed opposition

Aided and abetted financially, politically and propagandistically by the US government and corporate media, Venezuela’s privileged elite ran a campaign of disinformation, intimidation and attempted destabilisation in the lead-up to the referendum.

A CIA memo uncovered the week before the referendum revealed that the opposition campaign was funded by the US embassy in Venezuela to the tune of US$8 million for propaganda alone. Contrary to international media portrayals of the Chavez government as restricting free speech, the opposition still controls the majority of media outlets in Venezuela and they used them to spread lies and rumours aimed at instilling fears about the proposed constitutional reforms. It was said, for example, that if the reforms were passed the state would be able to take your children and your home, and that small shops would be nationalised.

But the opposition campaign was not limited to propaganda. A month before the referendum, opposition leaders met with US officials who urged them to organise acts of economic sabotage against infrastructure, destroy the food transport and delivery chain and organise a military coup with all means possible, including bloodshed by means of paramilitary force” to stop the constitutional reforms. (These same defenders of the old constitution carried out a short-lived coup in April 2002 that did away with the constitution altogether and dismissed all the freely elected state powers and institutions, including the congress, attorney-general, governors and mayors.)

In Caracas, two weeks before the referendum, anti-Chavez students violently attacked pro-reform students at the Universidad Central de Venezuela. Then, on November 26, anti-Chavez protesters blocking streets in the central Venezuelan state of Carabobo shot three times and killed a worker on a truck full of pro-Chavez workers from local factories who tried to pass the roadblock.

On November 30, the government publicly released a video revealing the opposition’s strategy of destabilization for the referendum, in which opposition leaders are seen calling on supporters assembled in a church in Caracas to not recognize the results of the referendum and take part in nation-wide protests to overturn the constitutional reforms by generating a political crisis and crisis of instability.

These events were consistently ignored or misreported by the international media, which continues to portray the opposition as peaceful anti-dictatorship protesters.

International media lies

Following the referendum result, the corporate media will of course be triumphant. Within minutes of the result being announced, Reuters was again pedalling its lies in an article that appeared almost simultaneously in online newspapers around the world, declaring: Mr Chavez, 53, has said he wants to rule until he dies. The reforms, said Reuters, would have allowed Mr Chavez – who has been in office since 1999 – to run for re-election indefinitely, control foreign currency reserves, appoint loyalists over regional elected officials and censor the media if he declares an emergency [and] boosted his powers to expropriate private property. The fact that almost every western democracy empowers its government to declare states of emergency (US presidents can declare states of emergency that suspend citizens’ normal rights and liberties for up to two years) and that, unlike in Australia and the US, the Venezuelan constitution grants people the ability to recall any elected official, including the president, before their term finishes, was not mentioned.

The Reuters coverage claimed that Chavez still wields enormous power in a country he has pledged to turn into a socialist state. His supporters dominate Congress, the courts and election authorities [and] MrChavez had tried to make the referendum vote a black-and-white plebiscite on his rule. This media spin is almost surreal: a dictator defeated in an undisputedly democratic election called by his government who immediately accepts the vote just doesn’t add up. In Chavez’s ownwords, the December 2 referendum demonstrated the credibility of our constitution [adopted in 1999, after Chavez was first elected] and the institutions that it has created, in our political system and Bolivarian democracy. Venezuelan democracy has matured and every process that unfolds allows it to continue to mature.

The revolution continues

The revolution has won every major battle with the opposition forces since 2002, until this referendum. But alongside the opposition’srecent electoral victory is genuinely mass support for and increasingly mass ownership of the social missions, the new democratic structures, the economy and all the concrete content of the developing revolution. The opposition have won this election, but it is quite another thing to confront and defeat the increasingly organised and armed working people in an all-out struggle for power.

That around 2.8 million people who voted for Chavez last year were not convinced of the reforms does not amount to a rejection of what is contained in the proposed reforms, but indicates that the revolutionary forces were unable to successfully counter the media offensive and convince millions of Chavez supporters why they should back the reforms. It is in this context that Chavez’s statement, This Bolivarian republic will keep getting stronger. This is not a loss; for me this is another `For now, should be understood. The battle of ideas continues.

We have been a people under fire, a people that has faced an artillery of lies and rumours, Chavez said. However, ithas been a massive step forward politically that 49% have voted for a socialist project. We will continue in the battle to construct socialism within the framework of the constitution. The reform proposals will continue to be put forward. It continues to be alive. It will not die.

The Australia-Venezuela Solidarity Network is organising public events in a number of cities in December to discuss the constitutional reforms and the outcomes of the referendum. Visit venezuelasolidarity.org for details, and for links to further information about the Venezuelan revolution.

25
Nov

The Hindraf Campaign: A Critique

by Dr. Kumar Devaraj

Thousands of Malaysian Indians from all over the country are responding to Hindraf’s campaign. SMS messages are being amplified and sent out by the hundreds, petition forms are being signed, funds have been collected, and there is a massive mobilization to present a memorandum to the British High Commission on Sunday 25th November 2007. All this highlights the extent to which Malaysian Indians have been neglected and marginalized by the policies of the Barisan Nasional government. It shows the level of frustration and resentment within the community. ARTIKEL PENUH (MORE) »



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